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Cape Town’s housing crisis: a political culture of apartheid persists

Cape Town’s housing crisis is a human rights issue, and it requires urgent and meaningful action
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Despite the fall of apartheid in 1994, South Africa continues to grapple with the enduring legacy of racial segregation, particularly in the spatial arrangement of its cities. The apartheid regime’s policies, such as the Group Areas Act, forced non-white populations to townships faraway from economic centres, creating a spatial divide that continues to define urban landscapes to date. Nowhere is this more evident than in Cape Town, a city that remains one of the most spatially segregated in the world. The city’s ongoing housing crisis, exacerbated by a lack of political will and poor service delivery, is a stark reminder of how the legacy of spatial apartheid continues to shape the lives of millions.

 

No political will to end the crisis

When apartheid officially ended, there was hope that South Africa would embark on a journey to rectify these spatial inequalities. In fact, housing was declared a priority by the newly elected African National Congress (ANC) government, and the 1996 Constitution made clear that addressing the “legacy of spatial apartheid” was a constitutional obligation.

However, the reality has been far less promising. In Cape Town, for example, no low-income housing projects have been completed in the city centre since 1994, and over 600,000 people remain on the housing waiting list, according to the Department of Human Settlement. This failure to provide adequate housing perpetuates the same economic and racial divisions that apartheid enthroned.

The root of the housing crisis in Cape Town is not just a matter of insufficient service delivery but also an issue of political priorities. While the Democratic Alliance (DA)—the party in power in Cape Town – prides itself on better governance compared to ANC-led provinces, its approach to housing in Cape Town tells a different story. The lack of affordable housing in central Cape Town means that many Black and Coloured communities continue to live faraway from economic opportunities, facing long and costly commutes to work. Meanwhile, soaring rental prices in the city centre, exacerbated by the rise of Airbnb as a lucrative rental model, have made it increasingly difficult for even the emerging Black middle class to find homes close to their places of employment.

The Airbnb boom has created a double-edged sword for Cape Town. While it brings in tourism revenue, it also drives up property prices and reduces the availability of long-term rental housing. More than 21,000 properties in Cape Town are listed on Airbnb, which is higher than the numbers in global tourist hotspots like Barcelona (18,086) and Bangkok (20,823). These properties, primarily concentrated in desirable areas, cater to tourists and the wealthy, while poorer residents are pushed further into the periphery. This dynamic is transforming Cape Town into a city that is increasingly unaffordable for its working-class population, reinforcing spatial apartheid in a new form. The recent taxi strike in Cape Town is another event that highlights these inequalities vividly. People were left stranded, walking long distances, which not only showcased the transport crisis but also the spatial injustice where those in need of affordable transport are disproportionately affected.

Beyond housing affordability, the crisis extends to how informal settlements and their residents are treated. The forceful eviction of Bulelani Qolani from his home during the COVID-19 lockdown, for instance, drew widespread attention to the City of Cape Town’s anti-land invasion tactics. Such actions reveal a deeper issue: the continued marginalization of poor communities and the failure to provide adequate housing alternatives. While the courts ruled in Qolani’s favour, condemning the city’s actions, this case is but one example of how the rights of informal settlers are consistently violated in the pursuit of urban “development.”

The Tafelberg case, on the other hand, highlights a broader debate over land use in Cape Town. Advocacy groups have long challenged the city’s prioritization of luxury developments over affordable housing in prime locations. These groups, like Ndifuna Ukwazi, have demanded that public land be used to address the housing crisis rather than sold off for private gain. Despite these efforts, the city continues to sell valuable land to private developers, further entrenching spatial inequalities. The decision of the Supreme Court of Appeals to allow the sale of Tafelberg land to private interests, now being petitioned in the Constitutional Court, is a glaring example of how the city and other branches of government favour capital over community.

Evidently, there is a clear lack of political will to confront spatial apartheid head-on. Change would require bold policies and substantial investments in public infrastructure, including housing, transportation, water, and energy. More importantly, it would require challenging the interests of developers and wealthy property owners, a move that many in power seem reluctant to make. The reluctance of Cape Town’s leadership to push for real change only further delays the possibility of addressing the deep-rooted economic and racial divides.

The way forward

But Change is still possible. Drawing examples from cities like Barcelona, which completely banned Airbnbs, could be one of the first steps to addressing this challenge. By enacting stricter regulations on short-term rentals like Airbnb, the housing market could stabilize, making room for affordable housing options.

Policies that prioritize the development of low-income housing in economically vibrant areas are also crucial. These changes would also require political leadership willing to invest in utilities and infrastructure, creating the conditions for people to live closer to the cities where they work. In other words, a gradual narrowing of spatial gaps may be possible with the support of inclusive urban development policies that combine economically viable housing options with more affordable housing.

Supporting grassroots organizations like Ndifuna Ukwazi, which advocate for inclusive urban development, is another way forward. These organizations are pushing for the use of public land for the public good rather than private profit. The efforts of such organisations could lay the groundwork for a more equitable urban future.

Ultimately, the housing crisis in Cape Town is not just about bricks and mortar. It is about reversing the long-standing legacy of apartheid, healing the economic and social wounds that still divide the city, and creating an urban landscape where all residents, regardless of race or class, can thrive. The future of Cape Town lies in the ability to dismantle spatial apartheid, not just through the construction of more housing but through a fundamental rethinking of how the city’s development should serve all its people—not just the privileged few.

Cape Town’s housing crisis is a human rights issue, and it requires urgent and meaningful action. Leaders must confront the uncomfortable reality that the city’s current trajectory is not sustainable. The legacy of apartheid cannot be ignored or allowed to continue in new, subtle forms. South Africa’s cities must become places of opportunity and inclusion for everyone, not just those who can afford them. Only then can we begin to heal the scars of our past and build a more just and equitable future.

 

 

 

 

 

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